|
Ibn Khaldun, 'Abd al-Rahman
(1332-1406)
Ibn Khaldun, ‘Abd al-Rahman (1332-1406) Ibn
Khaldun’s work on the philosophy of
history is a landmark of social
thought. Many historians - Greek,
Roman, Muslim and other - had written
valuable historiography, but here we
have brilliant reflections on the
meaning, pattern and laws of history
and society, as well as profound
insights into the nature of social
processes and the interconnections
between phenomena in such diverse
fields as politics, economics,
sociology and education. By any
reckoning, Ibn Khaldun was the
outstanding figure in the social
sciences betweenAristotle and
Machiavelli, and one of the greatest
philosophers of history of all time.
His most important philosophical work
is the Muqaddima, the introduction to
a much longer history of the Arabs and
Berbers. In this work, Ibn Khaldun
clearly defines a science of culture
and expounds on the nature of human
society and on political and social
cycles. Different social groups,
nomads, townspeople and traders,
interact with and affect one another
in a continuous pattern. Religion
played an important part in Ibn
Khaldun’s conception of the state,
and he followed al-Ghazali rather than
Ibn Rushd as a surer guide to the
truth. 1 Life and cultural context Abu
Zayd ‘Abd al-Rahman ibn Khaldun al-Hadrami
was born in Tunis in AH 732/AD 1332.
He was deeply rooted in his Islamic
background, occupying high government
posts in Granada, Morocco, Algeria,
Tunisia and Egypt. He spent four years
among the Bedouins, and negotiated
with both Pedro the Cruel of Spain in
Seville and with Timur Lenk (Tamurlane)
on the outskirts of Damascus.
He was
deeply versed in Arabic literature,
theology, historiography,
jurisprudence and philosophy, and was
particularly influenced in the latter
by Averroes or Ibn Rushd. He died in
Cairo in AH 808/AD 1406. Ibn Khaldun
lived at a time when it was possible
to reflect upon a long and profound
period of Islamic thought, and he
seems to have felt that part of his
function as a writer was to sum up
this period, with the further aim of
pointing towards the future of Islamic
intellectual enquiry. As one would
expect, he used the terms and concepts
of his time, and some have argued that
he was a culturally-specific
phenomenon (al-Azmeh 1981), so that
any attempt at interpreting his
thought in Western terms must distort
it fatally. This is an error.
Like all
great thinkers, Ibn Khaldun’s
thought contains both specific and
universal elements, and the latter can
readily be conveyed to modern readers
with no more than the usual
difficulties of translation from one
cultural and historical period to
another. 2 Philosophy of history The
work on which Ibn Khaldun’s
reputation chiefly rests is the
Muqaddima, the introduction to his
great history of the Arabs and
Berbers, the Kitab al-‘ibar, which
is divided into a further six books.
In the first book he presents a
general account of sociology, in the
second and third a sociology of
politics, in the fourth a sociology of
urban life, in the fifth a sociology
of economics and in the sixth a
sociology of knowledge. The whole work
is studded with brilliant
observations.
Thus in the field of
economics, Ibn Khaldun understands
very clearly the supply and demand
factors which affect price, the
interdependence of prices and the
ripple effects on successive stages of
production of a fall in prices, and
the nature and function of money and
its tendency to circulate from country
to country according to demand and the
level of activity. In his writings on
public finance, he shows why at the
beginning of a dynasty taxation yields
a large revenue from low rates of
assessment, but at the end a small
revenue from high rates of assessment.
Elsewhere his observations on the
evolution of the Arabic language and
script are masterly examples of
sociological analysis, and his remarks
on the difference between acquiring a
skill in a language and learning its
grammar, and on the use of intuition
as opposed to logic in solving
difficult problems, can still be read
with profit.
However, it is Ibn
Khaldun’s views on the nature of the
state and society which reveal most
clearly both his profundity and the
originality that marks him off so
sharply from his Muslim predecessors
and successors. Ibn Khaldun fully
realised that he had created a new
discipline, ‘ilm al-‘umran, the
science of culture, and regarded it as
surprising that no one had done so
before and demarcated it from other
disciplines. This science can be of
great help to the historian by
creating a standard by which to judge
accounts of past events.
Through the
study of human society, one can
distinguish between the possible and
the impossible, and so distinguish
between those of its phenomena which
are essential and those which are
merely accidental, and also those
which cannot occur at all. He analysed
in detail the sources of error in
historical writings, in particular
partisanship, overconfidence in
sources, failure to understand what is
intended, a mistaken belief in the
truth, the inability to place an event
in its real context, the desire to
gain the favour of those in high rank,
exaggeration, and what he regarded as
the most important of all, ignorance
of the laws governing the
transformation of human society. Ibn
Khaldun’s attitude to the study of
social phenomena is suffused with a
spirit which has caused several
commentators to call him the founder
of sociology. His attempt at creating
a theoretical structure for the
analysis of history is a very
impressive contribution to the
philosophy of history (see History,
philosophy of; Society, concept of).
For Ibn Khaldun, human society is
necessary since the individual acting
alone could acquire neither the
necessary food nor security. Only the
division of labour, in and through
society, makes this possible. The
state arises through the need of a
restraining force to curb the natural
aggression of humanity.
A state is
inconceivable without a society, while
a society is well-nigh impossible
without a state (see Political
philosophy in classical Islam). Social
phenomena seem to obey laws which,
while not as absolute as those
governing natural phenomena, are
sufficiently constant to cause social
events to follow regular and
well-defined patterns and sequences.
Hence a grasp of these laws enables
the sociologist to understand the
trend of events. These laws operate on
masses and cannot be significantly
influenced by isolated individuals.
There is very little talk of ‘great
men’ in Ibn Khaldun’s books; while
individuals do affect the course of
events, their influence is very
limited. The overwhelming impression
given by Ibn Khaldun’s writings is
that society is an organism that obeys
its own inner laws. These laws can be
discovered by applying human reason to
data either culled from historical
records or obtained by direct
observation. These data are fitted
into an implicit framework derived
from his views on human and social
nature, his religious beliefs and the
legal precepts and philosophical
principles to which he adheres. He
argues that more or less the same set
of laws operates across societies with
the same kind of structure, so that
his remarks about nomads apply equally
well to Arab Bedouins, both
contemporary and pre-Islamic, and to
Berbers, Turkomen and Kurds.
These
laws are explicable sociologically,
and are not a mere reflection of
biological impulses or physical
factors. To be sure, facts such as
climate and food are important, but he
attributes greater influence to such
purely social factors as cohesion,
occupation and wealth. This comes out
very clearly in his discussion of
national characters, for example of
Arabs, Persians and Jews, where he is
careful to point out that what are
regarded as characteristic features
can be explained by sociological
factors such as nomadism, urbanization
and oppression. Similarly, different
social groups, such as townspeople,
nomads and traders, have their own
characteristics derived from their
occupations. Ibn Khaldun sees the
historical process as one of constant
cyclical change, due mainly to the
interaction of two groups, nomads and
townspeople. These form the two poles
of his mental map; peasants are in
between, supplying the towns with food
and tax revenue and taking handicrafts
in return. Nomads are rough, savage
and uncultured, and their presence is
always inimical to civilization;
however, they are hardy, frugal,
uncorrupt in morals, freedom-loving
and self-reliant, and so make
excellent fighters. In addition, they
have a strong sense of ‘asabiya,
which can be translated as ‘group
cohesion’ or ‘social
solidarity’. This greatly enhances
their military potential. Towns, by
contrast, are the seats of the crafts,
the sciences, the arts and culture.
Yet luxury ccorrupts them, and as a
result they become a liability to the
state, like women and children who
need to be protected. Solidarity is
completely relaxed and the arts of
defending oneself and of attacking the
enemy are forgotten, so they are no
match for conquering nomads. Ibn
Khaldun then traces very clearly the
political and social cycle. Nomads
conquer territories and their leaders
establish a new dynasty. At first the
new rulers retain their tribal virtues
and solidarity, but soon they seek to
concentrate all authority in their own
hands. Increasingly they rule through
a bureaucracy of clients - often
foreigners.
As their former supporters
lose their military virtues there is
an increasing use of mercenaries, and
soldiers come to be more important
than civilians. Luxury corrupts
ethical life, and the population
decreases. Rising expenditure demands
higher taxes, which discourage
production and eventually result in
lower revenues. The ruler and his
clients become isolated from the
groups that originally brought them to
power. Such a process of decline is
taken to last three generations, or
about one hundred and twenty years.
Religion can influence the nature of
such a model; when ‘asabiya is
reinforced by religion its strength is
multiplied, and great empires can be
founded. Religion can also reinforce
the cohesion of an established state.
Yet the endless cycle of flowering and
decay shows no evolution or progress
except for that from the primitive to
civilized society. Ibn Khaldun does
occasionally refer to the existence of
turning points in history, and thought
that he was himself witnessing one of
them. The main cause for this great
change was the Black Death, which had
a profound effect upon Muslim society,
together with the Mongol invasions;
and he may also have been impressed by
the development of Europe, whose
merchants and ships thronged the
seaports of North Africa and whose
soldiers served as mercenaries in the
Muslim armies.
He suggests that a
general change in conditions can
produce an entirely new social and
political scene, rather as if a new
world had been created. 3 Critique of
Islamic philosophy Ibn Khaldun wrote
on other topics apart from history,
although in his autobiography he is
rather coy about admitting it. In his
Shifa’ al-sa’il (The Healing of
the Seeker), he responds to the
question as to whether it is possible
to attain mystical knowledge without
the help of a Sufi master leading the
novice along the path. Ibn Khaldun
tends to follow al-Ghazali (§3) in
reconciling mysticism with theology,
but he goes further than the latter in
bringing mysticism completely within
the purview of the jurisprudent (faqih)
and in developing a model of the Sufi
shaykh, or master, as rather similar
to the theologian. The fourteenth
century, in which Ibn Khaldun was
working, was very strongly influenced
by what Fakhry (1970) calls ‘neo-Hanbalism’,
which brought with it a strong
suspicion of the claims of both
mysticism and philosophy. Philosophy
was regarded as going beyond its
appropriate level of discourse, in
that
‘the intellect should not be
used to weigh such matters as the
oneness of God, the other world, the
truth of prophecy, the real character
of the divine attributes, or anything
else that lies beyond the level of the
intellect’ (Muqaddima 3, 38). He
refers to the intellect as like a
balance which is meant for gold, but
which is sometimes inappropriately
used for weighing mountains. Logic
cannot be applied to this area of
enquiry, and must be restricted to
non-theological topics (see Logic in
Islamic philosophy). Ibn Khaldun is
also critical of Neoplatonic
philosophy (see Neoplatonism in
Islamic philosophy).
The main object
of his criticism is the notion of a
hierarchy of being, according to which
human thought can be progressively
purified until it encompasses the
First Intellect which is identified
with the necessary being, that is,
God. He argued that this process is
inconceivable without the
participation of revelation, so that
it is impossible for human beings to
achieve the highest level of
understanding and happiness through
the use of reason alone.
Interestingly, the basis of his
argument here rests on the
irreducibility of the empirical nature
of our knowledge of facts, which
cannot then be converted into abstract
and pure concepts at a higher level of
human consciousness. bn Khaldun also
had little respect for the political
theories of thinkers like al-Farabi (§4),
with their notions of rational
government being based upon an ideal
prophetic law. He saw little point in
using theories which dealt with ideals
that have nothing to do with the
practicalities of contemporary
political life. Although Ibn Khaldun
rarely agrees with Ibn Rushd, there is
no doubt that his thought is strongly
marked by the controversy between him
and al-Ghazali, the latter being
acknowledged as the surer guide to the
truth. The basis of Ibn Khaldun’s
critique of philosophy is his
adherence to the notion of the state.
Religion has a vital role in society,
and any argument that it can be
identified with either reason or
contact with God is to threaten that
function. This is doubtless the basis
of his attack on Islamic philosophy
and on mysticism.
Although Ibn Khaldun
is hostile to a version of Islamic
philosophy, his discussion of society
is full of observations and ideas
which clearly have as their source
philosophical distinctions. For
example, his account of the three
stages in the development of the
state, from the nomadic to the
militant and finally to the luxurious
and decadent is modelled on the three
types of soul in Greek thought (see
Soul in Islamic philosophy §2), as is
his notion of ‘asabiya, of the
spirit of cohesion, as a point of
equilibrium between different aspects
of the soul. One of the features of
Ibn Khaldun’s work which makes it so
thought-provoking is the tension,
which he never finally resolved,
between a concern to acknowledge the
facts of historical change while at
the same time bbringing those facts
under very general theoretical
principles.
His contribution to the
philosophy of history is outstanding.
See also: Culture; History, philosophy
of; Political philosophy, history of;
Political philosophy in classical
Islam CHARLES ISSAWI OLIVER LEAMAN
Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy,
Version 1.0, London: Routledge
List of works
Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406)
Shifa’ al-sa’il li-tahdib al-masa’il
(The Healing of the Seeker), ed.
M. al-Tanji, 1957; trans. R. Pérez, La voie et
la loi ou le maître et le juriste,
Paris: Sindbad, 1991.(Ibn Khaldun’s
work on Sufism.)
Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406)
Muqaddima, ed. and trans. F.
Rosenthal, The Muqaddimah, Princeton,
NJ: Princeton University Press,
1967.(Outstanding translation of this
key introduction to Ibn Khaldun’s
history of the Arabs and Berbers, the
Kitab al-‘ibar.) References and
further reading al-Azmeh, A. (1981)
Ibn Khaldun in Modern Scholarship: A
Study in Orientalism, London: Third
World Centre.(A lively defence of the
view that most previous commentators
have misunderstood Ibn Khaldun.) al-Azmeh,
A. (1990) Ibn Khaldun: An Essay in
Reinterpretation, London: Routledge.(A
guide to the general thought of Ibn
Khaldun.) Fakhry, M. (1970) A History
of Islamic Philosophy, New York:
Columbia University Press; repr.
1985.(A useful account of Ibn
Khaldun’s position in Islamic
philosophy as a whole.) Issawi, C.
(1986) An Arab Philosophy of History,
Princeton, NJ: Princeton University
Press. (Translation and commentary on
some important texts.) Issawi, C.
(1994) Ibn Khaldun on Roman History: A
Study in Sources, Princeton, NJ:
Princeton Papers in Near Eastern
Studies.(Ibn Khaldun’s treatment of
Roman history.) Lakhsassi, A. (1996)
‘Ibn Khaldun’, in S.H. Nasr and O.
Leaman (eds) History of Islamic
Philosophy, London: Routledge, ch. 25,
350-64.(Comprehensive guide to Ibn
Khaldun’s thought, emphasizing the
links between his social theories and
philosophical ideas.) Mahdi, M. (1957)
Ibn Khaldun’s Philosophy of History,
London: Allen & Unwin.(A study of
the philosophical foundations of his
theory of culture.) Rosenthal, E.
(1956) ‘The Theory of the
Power-State: Ibn Khaldun’s Study of
Civilization’, in E. Rosenthal,
Political Thought in Medieval Islam,
Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.(A masterly summary of Ibn
Khaldun’s political philosophy.)
Routledge Encyclopedia of Philosophy,
Version 1.0, London: Routledge
|